A Policy Proposal on “Inviting U.S. Military Support” as a Tool for Democratic Transition


A Policy Proposal on “Inviting U.S. Military Support” as a Tool for Democratic Transition

I. Problem Background

In the contemporary international system, some authoritarian regimes maintain stability through high-intensity repression. However, political rigidity and the absence of orderly mechanisms for power transition often result in persistent human rights violations and latent risks of violent conflict. Historical experience suggests that regime change paths relying solely on internal revolutionary movements are frequently accompanied by extremely high human and material costs, and may lead to protracted civil wars or even state failure.

At the same time, traditional models of military intervention and nation-building have faced widespread criticism regarding their legitimacy, cost control, and long-term effectiveness.

II. Policy Concept: An Invitation-Based External Security Intervention Mechanism

This paper proposes a policy framework for discussion:

Under specific conditions, legitimate political authorities within a target country may formally request the United States and other democratic states to provide limited, security-oriented military and political support, with the aim of facilitating an orderly political transition.

The key features of this model include:

Request-Based Authorization

Any intervention must be grounded in clear and verifiable domestic political authorization, rather than unilateral external action.

Clearly Defined Objectives

The core objectives are not long-term occupation or comprehensive societal transformation, but rather to:

  • Dismantle the security foundations of high-intensity repression

  • Create a controllable window of opportunity for political transition

  • Facilitate transitional political arrangements

Multilateral Cooperation

Whenever possible, action should be undertaken within the framework of regional organizations and alliances of democratic states, in order to reduce the political and security burden borne by any single country.

III. Potential Strategic Effects

If successfully implemented in a limited number of cases, this model could generate several spillover effects:

  • Establishing institutional deterrence against other authoritarian regimes, encouraging greater restraint in domestic governance

  • Strengthening the relative position of moderate reformist factions within authoritarian systems

  • Providing an alternative pathway to political transition characterized by lower intensity and reduced destruction

The core objective is not the “export of ideology,” but rather the restructuring of the risk–reward calculus underpinning authoritarian rule.

IV. Cost-Sharing and Incentive Design

From the perspective of fiscal and political sustainability, the following principles merit consideration:

  • External intervening parties should avoid assuming indefinite reconstruction costs

  • Recipient states should progressively assume responsibility for security and governance expenditures as capacity is restored

  • Debt restructuring and the involvement of international financial institutions should be employed to prevent unsustainable post-conflict burdens

Compared with prolonged civil war or state collapse, this model may, in theory, entail a lower overall social cost.

V. Risk Assessment and Mitigation Mechanisms

This proposal entails significant risks, including in particular:

Asymmetric Conflict Risks

External forces may become entangled in prolonged low-intensity conflicts.

Legitimacy Disputes

Domestic opposition groups may challenge the representativeness or legitimacy of the “inviting” authorities.

Regional Spillover Effects

Neighboring states may adopt counterbalancing measures due to heightened security concerns.

To address these risks, the following measures are essential:

  • Sustained and in-depth public information and communication strategies

  • Conditional political amnesties and conflict de-escalation mechanisms

  • Clearly defined and enforceable exit timelines

  • International monitoring and evaluation mechanisms

VI. Reflections on Existing International Practices

Over the past several decades, the international community has largely relied on development strategies centered on economic assistance in certain regions, with limited success in achieving institutional political reform. This paper does not reject the value of development aid, but argues that in highly politicized and securitized environments, economic instruments alone are often insufficient to address underlying structural problems.

Accordingly, there is a need to reassess the combination and sequencing of security, political, and development tools.

VII. Conclusion (For Further Research)

“Invitation-based external security intervention” is not a universal solution and should not be normalized as a routine policy instrument. However, in situations of extreme governance failure and exceptionally high domestic costs of political transition, it may constitute a policy option worthy of cautious evaluation.

The value of this proposal lies not in offering definitive answers, but in encouraging policymakers to reconsider the following question:

How can the overall humanitarian cost of political transition be reduced without giving rise to new forms of hegemony?


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